NJAC judgment: Reasons why Supreme Court is holier than thou
-Manoj
Reddy.K
The Supreme
Court judgment on 16 October has declared two things without any further room
for doubt. First, it has held the National Judicial Appointment Commission
(NJAC) which was brought into force by the 99 amendment as unconstitutional.
Second, by arriving at such conclusion few of the reasoning’s given by the
majority of the bench reaffirm that Supreme Court of India considers itself to
be “holier than thou” in respect to other institutions like Civil society and
parliament.
On Civil Society:
Firstly, the
distaste of the apex court on the civil society with respect to them playing a
major role in the appointment process is evident from what Justice Khehar
writes in his majority judgment. He writes that it is difficult to repose faith
and confidence in the civil society at the present juncture for a simple reason
that it is not sufficiently motivated to act in deterrent to the political
executive establishment. The only purpose such argument serves is their own
purpose of being self anointed saviors of the democracy and its basic
structure.
Secondly, the
veto power given to the eminent persons ensures a system of checks and balances
by ensuring that tyranny of majority does not affect the process of
appointments and also brings in a shared sense of responsibility. The Supreme
Court would have used the tools at its disposal to enumerate proper guidelines
that would have to be followed by the panel for selection of such eminent members.
But instead the court has decided to throw the baby away with bathwater which
only assures of its self promoting interests.
On Government:
Firstly, it is
the conclusion of the court that the inclusion of Law minister in the
appointment process vitiates the separation of powers and independence of the
judiciary. The court has reached this conclusion by arguing that the biggest
litigator cannot be made a part of the process of selection as it amounts to
erosion of the independence of the judiciary. This reasoning is a flawed one as
the government rarely has any personal interest in the litigation or its
outcome barring very minimal cases of political importance. The outcome of such
litigation does not have any bearing whatsoever on the concerned minister or a
bureaucrat. It is a figment of court’s imagination that every litigation
involving the govt makes the person in charge an interested party.
Secondly, the
court in its reasoning for disagreeing with the inclusion of Law minister have
warned us off adverse consequences of politicians being a part of the selection
process. Through this logic it clearly makes its contempt and mistrust on the
elected representatives evident by conveniently ignoring the fact that it is
they who represent the will of the people which is sovereign in a democracy.
Thirdly, Justice
Lokur in his opinion has even ventured to an extent that he has opined that the
executive which means any dispensation at the centre, might have objections
with the sexual orientation of a person being considered for appointment.
Whereas the chief justice of India would not consider such facts to impair a
person’s ability to discharge functions that are bestowed on him. This shows the hypocrisy of the court as it
was the same court with its conservative anarchic mindset has championed the
cause of Section 377 of Indian Penal Code which criminalizes sex against order
of nature against the judgement of Delhi High Court which struck it down. It
also goes to show in what esteem it holds the government as the present
executive means the government of the day. This goes on to show the mistrust of
judiciary with other organs of the constitution with whom it was envisaged to
coexist but not to usurp their domain and judge them.
On Politicians:
The reasoning of
the court with respect to ensuring independence of judiciary has been rooted in
characterizing politicians as the nemesis to the idea of protecting and
ensuring an independent judiciary.
The Court has
sequentially portrayed itself to be the guardian and protector of democracy and
democratic values in India. This can be noted from Justice Khehar’s majority
judgement where he has quoted the remarks of L.KAdvani with respect to forces
that could crush democracy being active and supported the same with the incidents
pertaining to resignations of governors with respect to which he stated that
one wonders whether all these were voluntary. The construction of this premise
of forces crushing democracy and quoting incidents with respect to governors
goes onto show how the court has established itself as a champion and
politicians as characters in negative roles.
It is the court
which has ventured into happenings like resignations of civil servants and
other person holding high positions in institutions of significance and by
linking them to the comments made by Advani it is the judiciary which clearly
and cleverly tried to malign the image of the government by connecting it to
those incidents by stating that it reflects the spoils system.
On a parting
note the court has acted as a one man army for the cause of ensuring protection
of independence of judiciary by undermining and ignoring some important
covenants of our democracy like the elected government which represents the
will of the sovereign and the executive. The one essential inference that court
failed to draw because of its holier than thou attitude is that it was the will
of an unanimous parliament and 20 state assemblies which represent the wishes
of Indian public that they no longer trusted the judiciary alone to appoint its
own brethren and that is primarily why they did not envisage for judicial
primacy in the NJAC.
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